Facing the real cause of the long Arab war

May 18, 2021 by Caroline Glick
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The time has come for Israel to stop giving a pass to Arab Jew-hatred.

In his book From Ambivalence to Betrayal: The Left, the Jews, and Israel, the late historian Robert Wistrich documented how before, during and after the Nazi period, scholars from the political left disregarded and denied the ideological power that antisemitism held over the Germans and their collaborators. The cause of their blindness was Marxism.

Marxism has long been the theoretical prism through which the left sees the world. Marxism is hateful and contemptuous of Judaism because Judaism is fundamentally opposed to the obedient universality that Communism demands. Karl Marx and his followers sought to eradicate Judaism through a world Communist revolution that Jews could only join if they first abandoned their national, cultural and religious identities.

One of the ways that Marxism derides Judaism is by presenting it as an archaic dogma fundamentally irrelevant and counterproductive to the modern world. Since Marxists belittle Judaism, in the Nazi period, they were incapable of recognizing that antisemitism was Nazism’s central organizing principle.

Leftist scholars of Nazism insisted that Nazis didn’t hate Jews because they were Jewish. They hated Jews because many Jews were Communists and Nazis were anti-Communist. By this reasoning, it was the Jews’ fault that the Nazis hated them and, in due course, annihilated them. For scholars of the left, the Holocaust itself was a mere byproduct of Jewish membership in Communist parties.

Much of the same doctrinaire thinking has long informed—or misinformed—leftist understanding of the Arab war against the Jewish state. Immediately after the U.N. General Assembly adopted on Nov. 29, 1947 the partition plan to divide the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine into two separate states—one Arab and one Jewish—the Arab war against the Jewish state began.

Until Israel declared independence six months later, the war was waged by local Arab militias. The local Arabs were joined by five invading armies the day that Israel declared independence. The declared goal of all the Arabs was to eradicate the newborn State of Israel and throw the Jews into the sea to “finish Hitler’s work.”

The rhetoric and actions of the Arabs left no room for doubt. Their aim was genocidal, and it was driven by Jew-hatred.

In 1949—just four years after the gas chambers were shut down—the Soviets used the Marxist model to legitimize the Arab war against the Jews to a world still embarrassed by the Holocaust. That year, the KGB invented a new term, “anti-Zionism.”

The Arabs weren’t anti-Semites. They only hated Jews who wanted to live as free Jews in their sovereign homeland. Notably, as the KGB laundered Jew-hatred to suit post-war sensibilities, the Soviet regime was outlawing the practice of Judaism and purging Jews from public life in the Soviet Union.

Outside the Soviet bloc, anti-Zionism was a hard sell early on. It was given a big push forward, though, in the wake of the 1967 Six-Day War. Israel’s victory in that defensive war placed it in control of the Golan Heights, Sinai, the Gaza Strip and Judea and Samaria, and enabled it to unify Jerusalem.

Despite the fact that Israel had a right to incorporate these areas into its sovereign territory, both under the laws of war and the borders of the Jewish state as set out in the League of Nations Mandate, the Soviets and leftists in Western Europe used Israel’s control over these territories to build a new, counterfactual narrative to justify the Arab war against the Jewish state.

If the Jews were responsible for the Nazis’ genocidal antisemitism because some Jews were Communists, then Israel was responsible for the Arab aggression, because it “stole” Arab land and refused to give up land for “peace.”

Setting aside the obvious logical fallacy—putting the cart before the horse—this narrative, practically speaking, made no sense. If the problem was Israel’s size rather than its existence, then why did the Soviets and the Arabs ram through U.N. General Assembly Resolution 3379 in 1975, which said that Zionism is a form of racism, and so proclaimed Israel’s very existence illegitimate and immoral?

Why do the Palestinians demand the so-called “right of return” of Arabs who left Israel in 1948 and their descendants to Israel, rather than to a future Palestinian state? And why did both Yasser Arafat and his successor, Mahmoud Abbas, refuse Israeli peace offers that gave in to nearly all of their territorial demands?

All of these things occurred because the post-1967 leftist narrative of Israeli avariciousness for “Arab” land, like the 1949 Soviet narrative of anti-Zionism, is entirely wrong. Yet, despite its obvious absurdity, the left’s land-for-peace/two-state solution narrative dominated the international and domestic Israeli discourse on the Arab-Israeli and Palestinian-Israel conflict for the past half century.

Last week it disintegrated.

The dominant—indeed leading—role that Arab Israelis are playing in the current round of the Palestinian war against Israel puts paid the notion that the Palestinian war on the Jews has something to do with specific territories that Israel controls. Arab Israelis are not burning synagogues, schools, yeshivot, Jewish-owned stores, cars and homes because of the so-called “occupation.”

They are not lynching Jews that fall in their paths because of the so-called “settlements.” They are assaulting the citizens and institutions and symbols of the Jewish state because they seek to destroy the Jewish state.

Timing is everything, in war and in life. And the Arab Israelis and Palestinians clearly believe that the time is ripe for them to discard the nonsense about “the occupation.”

The Biden administration is on their side. Not only did President Joe Biden restore U.S. funding to the Palestinian Authority despite its funding of terrorism. Over the past month of escalating Palestinian violence against Jews in Jerusalem and other cities around Israel, the Biden administration has embraced the Fatah narrative that Israel is “provoking” the Palestinians to attack Jews because Israel deployed police to the Temple Mount to restore the peace after the Palestinians attacked Jews.

The Biden administration has also adopted Fatah’s antisemitic claim that Jews have no right to assert their property rights in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of Jerusalem because they are Jews.

For their part, Congressional leaders of the Democrat Party’s dominant hard-left faction—Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Betty McCollum and their comrades—are pushing Hamas’s P.R. line. Like Hamas, they project the Palestinians’ crimes onto their victims.

Israel, they slander, murders Palestinian children in cold blood. Obviously, a state that kills children on purpose is a criminal state that must be given no place in the community of nations.

The antisemitic disposition of both the administration and prominent Democrats serves as a tailwind for the Palestinians today. This state of affairs makes things more difficult for Israel to defeat its enemies. But at the end of the day, the Americans are not the ones who will decide Israel’s fate. That is the responsibility of the people of Israel.

The Palestinian war, now joined by Israel’s Arabs and supported by the ruling party in America, presents Zionism with its supreme test: Will Israel protect its Jewish national identity, or will it crumble under pressure?

Israel must do two things to persevere. First, it must quell the Arab-Israeli violence and confiscate all illegal weapons now in the hands of the Arabs. Over the past two decades, reports of thefts from Israel Defense Forces bases of everything from small arms to automatic rifles to shoulder-launched missiles have surfaced with some regularity. Nearly all of the theft was the work of Arab Israelis, and few and far between have been the instances where stolen weapons were located and returned to the army.

Israel’s security forces must use all necessary force to locate and seize those weapons. The Arab pogromists marauding through mixed Jewish-Arab towns lynching Jews and torching their synagogues and their property prove incontrovertibly that so long as huge caches of illegal weapons remain in the hands of Arab Israelis, Israel’s future is imperiled.

More fundamentally, after 75 years of making excuses and denying the plain fact that antisemitism is the root and the branch of the Arab conflict with Israel, Israelis of all walks of life and across the political spectrum need to accept this truth. As a society, we must demand that Israel’s Arab citizens and their leaders recognize the legitimacy and justice of the existence of the State of Israel. And we must not accept no for an answer any more.

When discussions began several weeks ago about the possibility of forming a governing coalition based on the direct or indirect support of Arab Knesset members from the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated United Arab List, Islam scholar Daniel Pipes wrote an article considering the issue.

Pipes explained that just as there are Judeophobic and philosemitic versions of Christianity, so the Koran includes two approaches to Judaism and Jews. The first and most familiar approach is the jihadist approach.

The jihadist approach rejects the Jews, the Torah and Jewish rights to Israel. The second approach embraces all three.

Pipes said that the only way to include the United Arab List in a government, or to base a government on its support, is by first demanding that the party’s members publicly declare that they uphold the Koranic approach that celebrates Jews and the Torah and recognizes that the land of Israel belongs to the Jews.

For the past 75 years, Israelis across the political spectrum have passively accepted Arab Jew-hatred. The left believed that Jews earned the Arabs’ hatred by defeating them in successive wars. To appease their hate, the left has pushed policies that restrain public expressions of Jewish pride and holds Arabs to lower standards than they hold Jews—forgiving their antisemitism, while condemning rare expressions of Jewish anti-Arab racism with all the passion and urgency that they can muster.

The Israeli right also has taken Arab Jew-hatred for granted. Its members have argued that the way to defuse or mitigate the hatred is to integrate Arab citizens into all walks of public life, never asking that they first accept the legitimacy of the State of Israel.

The time has come to end this state of affairs. The Arab-Israeli pogroms of 2021, together with the Western left’s adoption of narratives legitimizing Arab Jew-hatred, give Israel no option of continuing to pretend away or excuse this reality. Just as antisemitism was the central animating ideology of Nazism, so it is the central ideology of the Arab war against the Jewish state.

To put an end to these pogroms now, and to prevent them from recurring, Israel must end its tolerance for Arab Jew-hatred and must stop making apologies for Zionism and Jewish peoplehood. Israel must assert its national rights to all areas of this country without apology. It must do so consistently.

Israel’s future and the possibility that coexistence between Jews and Arabs will ever be restored depend on our willingness to forthrightly demand that Arab Israelis abandon their hatred of this country.

Caroline Glick is an award-winning columnist and author of “The Israeli Solution: A One-State Plan for Peace in the Middle East.”

This article first appeared in Israel Hayom.


3 Responses to “Facing the real cause of the long Arab war”
  1. Lynne Newington says:

    *Immediately after the U.N. General Assembly adopted on Nov. 29, 1947 the partition plan to divide the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine into two separate states—one Arab and one Jewish—the Arab war against the Jewish state began.

    To throw my bit in.

    The attitude taken by the Vatican on the Palestine issue at the end of the second world War, was unequivocally and succinctly stated in the summer of 1949, by John Victor Perowne, the British plenipotentiary minister at the Holy See:

    The Vatican would have preferred, from the point of view on the fate of Holy Places and of Catholic interests in Palestine generally, that neither Jews nor Arabs, but a Third Power, should have control of the Holy Land. Such a solution it well knew, however, was unattainable, and in the actual circumstances it preferred the Arabs to the Jews.

    The Holy See and post war Palestine issue:
    the internationalization of Jerusalem and protection of ther Holy PLaces.

    Silvio Ferrari

  2. Liat Kirby says:

    Thank you, Caroline. A most excellent analysis and reminder of what is necessary to maintain the State of Israel.

    When I read your words, and those of others such as Peter Wertheim, co-CEO of ECAJ, Jonathan Tobin, and others, I am fortified by the facts illuminated and the lack of rhetoric. Jwire as the digital publisher bringing us these reports has my ongoing appreciation. However, I’m aware as I read of the millions of people out there who are not reading this material, who are in fact closed off from it. Surely, the next step is to remedy that and make sure it becomes more public. To confront those who would otherwise not be interested.

  3. Michael Lewis says:

    I’ve been looking at SevenNews facebook report comments this week w.r.t. the war. They are snowed under with comments of hate from local arabs/muslims. Their knowledge of any history, and comparative religion is zilch. They just want the Jews out. Seems to me exactly the same as those “Israeli” arabs in Lod. They’ve owned the land forever, the Jews are interlopers from Europe and that’s that. Every rocket from Hamas is cheered while every act of prevention, is a war crime. We now have several hundred thousand of these people all around us in every city in Australia. Not good for the future.

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